In this paragraph, Douglass establishes an important rhetorical pattern, which he employs throughout the speech. It destroys your moral power abroad; it corrupts your politicians at home.
You have already declared it. But I fancy I hear some one of my audience say, it is just in this circumstance that you and your brother abolitionists fail to make a favorable impression on the public mind. Is it not astonishing that, while we are ploughing, planting and reaping, using all kinds of mechanical tools, erecting houses, constructing bridges, building ships, working in metals of brass, iron, copper, silver and gold; that, while we are reading, writing and cyphering, acting as clerks, merchants and secretaries, having among us lawyers, doctors, ministers, poets, authors, editors, orators and teachers; that, while we are engaged in all manner of enterprises common to other men, digging gold in California, capturing the whale in the Pacific, feeding sheep and cattle on the hill-side, living, moving, acting, thinking, planning, living in families as husbands, wives and children, and, above all, confessing and worshipping the Christian’s God, and looking hopefully for life and immortality beyond the grave, we are called upon to prove that we are men! The speech has since been published under the above title in The Frederick Douglass Papers, Series One, Vol. will be found by Americans.
A general shout would go up from the church, demanding repeal, repeal, instant repeal! But, besides general considerations, there were peculiar circumstances which make the advent of this republic an event of special attractiveness. The right of the hunter to his prey stands superior to the right of marriage, and to all rights in this republic, the rights of God included!
There were then no means of concert and combination, such as exist now. speaking of it relatively, and positively, negatively, and affirmatively.
It is fashionable to do so; but there was a time when to pronounce against England, and in favor of the cause of the colonies, tried men's souls. But a change has now come over the affairs of mankind. He muses that perhaps they will argue that abolitionists are actually getting in the way of their own efforts because they do not appeal to the masses. There is not a man beneath the canopy of heaven, that does not know that slavery is wrong for him.
As Douglass notes, this American slave trader maintained an office in Baltimore.
Now, there are certain rules of interpretation, for the proper understanding of all legal instruments. See this drove sold and separated forever; and never forget the deep, sad sobs that arose from that scattered multitude.
Where these go, may also go the merciless slave-hunter. Need I remind you that a similar thing is being done all over this country to-day?
Fellow Citizens, I am not wanting in respect for the fathers of this republic. we wept when we remembered Zion.
By. You boast of your love of liberty, your superior civilization, and your pure Christianity, while the whole political power of the nation (as embodied in the two great political parties), is solemnly pledged to support and perpetuate the enslavement of three millions of your countrymen.
They succeeded; and to-day you reap the fruits of their success.  After the Civil War, Douglass said that "we" had achieved a great thing by gaining American independence during the American Revolutionary War, though he said it was not as great as what was achieved by the Civil War. Twitter.
That which is inhuman, cannot be divine! In this paragraph, Douglass reaches a new height of provocation. PII, as used in US privacy law and information security, is information that can be used on its own or with other information to identify, contact, or locate a single person, or to identify an individual in context. You are all on fire at the mention of liberty for France or for Ireland; but are as cold as an iceberg at the thought of liberty for the enslaved of America.
They are plain, common-sense rules, such as you and I, and all of us, can understand and apply, without having passed years in the study of law.
“Ethiopia shall stretch out her hand unto God.” In the fervent aspirations of William Lloyd Garrison, I say, and let every heart join in saying it: God speed the year of jubileeThe wide world o’erWhen from their galling chains set free,Th’ oppress’d shall vilely bend the knee,And wear the yoke of tyrannyLike brutes no more.That year will come, and freedom’s reign,To man his plundered rights againRestore.
Throughout his speech, Douglass rarely delineates between white and black—he only references the “black” man four times, and the “white” man once. This, however, did not answer the purpose.
And it would go hard with that politician who presumed to solicit the votes of the people without inscribing this motto on his banner. The sin of which it is guilty is one of omission as well as of commission.
The coming into being of a nation, in any circumstances, is an interesting event. The passage that follows this line is from the biblical Book of Isaiah 1:13-17. I leave, therefore, the great deeds of your fathers to other gentlemen whose claim to have been regularly descended will be less likely to be disputed than mine! And let me warn you that it is dangerous to copy the example of a nation whose crimes, lowering up to heaven, were thrown down by the breath of the Almighty, burying that nation in irrecoverable ruin! As a known abolitionist addressing an audience of fellow abolitionists, Douglass wonders whether he must even “argue the wrongfulness of slavery” to the crowd. In prosecuting the anti-slavery enterprise, we have been asked to spare the church, to spare the ministry; but how, we ask, could such a thing be done?
For black men there are neither law, justice, humanity, nor religion. The manhood of the slave is conceded. I scout the idea that the question of the constitutionality or unconstitutionality of slavery is not a question for the people.
He ends the speech with renewed vigor, certain in the knowledge that as the lord is strong, so the foundation of slavery is weak. Friends and citizens, I need not enter further into the causes which led to this anniversary.
In addition to his newspaper, Garrison wrote and published essays, poetry, and the preface to the 1845 version of Frederick Douglass’s Narrative in the Life of Frederick Douglass. There are exceptions, and I thank God that there are. Is slavery among them? He praises the document nevertheless and believes it lays the proper groundwork for the nation to progress. Behold the practical operation of this internal slave-trade, the American slave-trade, sustained by American politics and American religion. that gash on her shoulder tells her to move on.
Follow this drove to New Orleans.
It is the birthday of your National Independence, and of your political freedom.
I am glad, fellow-citizens, that your nation is so young. He believes that the end of slavery is near and that there is no way to stop progress.. , In the United States, the speech is widely taught in history and English classes in high school and college. They perambulate the country, and crowd the highways of the nation, with droves of human stock.
The list that follows from “fiery stream” includes examples of auditory, kinesthetic, and tactile imagery. They loved their country better than their own private interests; and, though this is not the highest form of human excellence, all will concede that it is a rare virtue, and that when it is exhibited, it ought to command respect.
The far off and almost fabulous Pacific rolls in grandeur at our feet.
For who is there so cold, that a nation’s sympathy could not warm him?
My subject, then fellow-citizens, is AMERICAN SLAVERY. Seventy-six years, though a good old age for a man, is but a mere speck in the life of a nation. "Hart" is a deer. Although early in his career Benton was pro-slavery, during the 1840s he changed his mind on the matter and fought to keep slavery within the nation’s current borders. Rather than beginning the speech with a clear statement of purpose, Douglass celebrates the accomplishments of the founding fathers by generally keeping himself separate from his audience. In this passage, Douglass recites the first six lines of Psalm 137, from the Bible.
For the present, it is enough to affirm the equal manhood of the negro race.
The speech is perhaps the most widely known of all of Frederick Douglass' writings save his autobiographies.
A feeling has crept over me, quite unfavorable to the exercise of my limited powers of speech. And let me warn you that it is dangerous to copy the example of a nation whose crimes, lowering up to heaven, were thrown down by the breath of the Almighty, burying that nation in irrecoverable ruin! It is not that "pure and undefiled religion" which is from above, and which is "first pure, then peaceable, easy to be entreated, full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality, and without hypocrisy." God speed the day when human blood Shall cease to flow!
On the 2d of July, 1776, the old Continental Congress, to the dismay of the lovers of ease, and the worshipers of property, clothed that dreadful idea with all the authority of national sanction. WHAT TO THE SLAVE IS THE FOURTH OF JULY? I leave, therefore, the great deeds of your fathers to other gentlemen whose claim to have been regularly descended will be less likely to be disputed than mine!
Heath and D. Waymer called this topic the "paradox of the positive" because it highlights how something positive and meant to be positive can also exclude individuals.
Continuing his tirade against the Christians complicit in the institution of American slavery, Douglass boldly claims that pro-slavery Christians are greater sources of infidelity—or lack of faith—than some of the leading atheist intellectuals.
Everybody can say it; the dastard, not less than the noble brave, can flippantly discant on the tyranny of England towards the American Colonies.
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